Author Topic: Aboriginal Australians  (Read 367 times)

Offline Angela

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Aboriginal Australians
« on: May 26, 2008, 08:17:22 AM »


From Wikipedia: "Aboriginals believe in two forms of time. Two parallel streams of activity. One is the daily objective activity ... The other is an infinite spiritual cycle called the "dreamtime," more real than reality itself. Whatever happens in the dreamtime establishes the values, symbols, and laws of Aboriginal society. Some people of unusual spiritual powers have contact with the dreamtime."

From The New Rulers of the World, by John Pilger:

I asked, 'Is there another reason why these basics, like sealed roads, decent housing and recreational facilities, all the things that are standard in white Australia, are missing in Aboriginal areas?'

'Well, it's because (white) people feel that if you give a swimming pool to an Aboriginal community it is a luxury, and they are fine the way they are, living in the desert, like they've always done ...' [Dr. Kim Hames, then Western Australia's Minister for Aboriginal Affairs and Water Resources]

Dr. Richard Murray, of the Kimberly Aboriginal Medical Services Council, whose patients are all Aboriginal, has studied the causes of their suffering. 'By most measures of indigenous health,' he told me, ' Australia is last in the world. The Aboriginal people suffer from diseases we saw the end of in the Edinburgh slums in the last century, like rheumatic fever. Here, it is the highest ever reported in the world. And diabetes, which affects up to a quarter of the adult Aboriginal population, causing kidney failure and diabetic blindness. And gastro-enteritis...'

'What's the cause?'

'Poverty and dispossession. Look at housing. Ninety per cent of overcrowded households in Australia are Aboriginal and that's from two per cent of the population. What it comes fundamentally down to is a lack of political will to allocate resources. The Federal government spends about 25 per cent less per capita on the health of Aboriginal children compared to the rest of the population.'
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Offline Angela

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Re: Aboriginal Australians
« Reply #1 on: May 26, 2008, 08:21:19 AM »


Wikipedia:
Indigenous Australians are descendants of the first known human inhabitants of the Australian continent and its nearby islands. The term includes both the Torres Strait Islanders and the Aboriginal People, who together make up about 2.4% of Australia's modern population. The latter term is usually used to refer to those who live in mainland Australia, Tasmania, and some of the other adjacent islands. The Torres Strait Islanders are indigenous to the Torres Strait Islands between Australia and New Guinea. Indigenous Australians are recognized to have arrived between 70,000 and 40,000 years ago, though the lower end of this range (50,000 BC) has wider acceptance.

The term Indigenous Australians encompasses many different communities and societies, and these are further divided into local communities with unique cultures. Although there are over 250 spoken languages, fewer than 200 of the languages of these groups remain in use — all but 20 are considered to be endangered.[citation needed] It is estimated that prior to the arrival of British settlers the population of Indigenous Australians was approximately 318,000 - 750,000 across the continent.[2] The distribution of people was similar to that of the current Australian population, with the majority living in the south east centred along the Murray River.

Although the culture and lifestyle of Aboriginal groups have much in common, Aboriginal society is not a single entity. The communities have different modes of subsistence, cultural practices, languages, and technologies. However, these peoples also share a larger set of traits, and are otherwise seen as being broadly related. A collective identity as Indigenous Australians is recognised and exists along names from the indigenous languages which are commonly used to identify groups based on regional geography and other affiliations. These include: Koori (or Koorie) in New South Wales and Victoria (Victorian Aborigines); Murri in Queensland; Noongar in southern Western Australia; Yamatji in Central Western Australia; Wangkai in the Western Australian Goldfields; Nunga in southern South Australia; Anangu in northern South Australia, and neighbouring parts of Western Australia and Northern Territory; Yapa in western central Northern Territory; Yolngu in eastern Arnhem Land (NT) and Palawah (or Pallawah) in Tasmania.


These larger groups may be further subdivided; for example, Anangu (meaning a person from Australia's central desert region) recognises localised subdivisions such as Pitjantjatjara, Yankunytjatjara, Ngaanyatjarra, Luritja and Antikirinya.

The term "blacks" has often been applied to Indigenous Australians. This owes rather more to racial stereotyping than ethnology, as it categorises Indigenous Australians with the other black peoples of Asia and Africa. In the 1970s, many Aboriginal activists, such as Gary Foley proudly embraced the term "black", and writer Kevin Gilbert's groundbreaking book from the time was entitled Living Black. In recent years young Indigenous Australians — particularly in urban areas — have increasingly adopted aspects of black American and Afro-Caribbean culture, creating what has been described as a form of "black transnationalism."

Aboriginal Australians
The word aboriginal, appearing in English since at least the 17th century and meaning "first or earliest known, indigenous," (Latin Aborigines, from ab: from, and origo: origin, beginning),[4] has been used in Australia to describe its Indigenous peoples as early as 1789. It soon became capitalised and employed as the common name to refer to all Indigenous Australians. Strictly speaking, "Aborigine" is the noun and "Aboriginal" the adjectival form; however the latter is often also employed to stand as a noun. Note that the use of "Aborigine(s)" or "Aboriginal(s)" in this sense, i.e. as a noun, has acquired negative, even derogatory connotations among some sectors of the community, who regard it as insensitive, and even offensive.[5] The more acceptable and correct expression is "Aboriginal Australians" or "Aboriginal people", though even this is sometimes regarded as an expression to be avoided because of its historical associations with colonialism. "Indigenous Australians" has found increasing acceptance, particularly since the 1980s.


Torres Strait Islanders

The Torres Strait Islanders possess a heritage and cultural history distinct from Aboriginal traditions;[citation needed] the eastern Torres Strait Islanders in particular are related to the Papuan peoples of New Guinea, and speak a Papuan language[9]. Accordingly, they are not generally included under the designation "Aboriginal Australians." This has been another factor in the promotion of the more inclusive term "Indigenous Australians".


"If you stop seeing the world in terms of what you like and dislike, and saw things for what they truly are, in themselves, you would have a great deal more peace in your life..."

Offline Angela

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Re: Aboriginal Australians
« Reply #2 on: May 26, 2008, 08:33:16 AM »
from wikipedia:

Dreamtime
Dreaming is a common term among Indigenous Australians for a personal, or group, creation and for what may be understood as the "timeless time" of formative creation and perpetual creating, as well as for the places and localities on Indigenous Australian traditional land (and throughout non-traditional Australia) where the uncreated creation spirits and totemic ancestors, or genius loci, reside. Other groups have pointed out there is no one English word that covers the concept, for example those Anangu that speak Pitjantjatjara use the word Tjukurpa and those that speak Yankunytjatjara use Wapar, but neither means dreaming.

The Dreaming has different meanings for different Aboriginal groups. The Dreaming can be seen as an embodiment of creation which gives meaning to everything. It establishes the rules governing relationships between the people, the land and all things for Aboriginal people.

The world was created during the Dreamtime and a Dreaming is a story owned by different tribes and their members that explains the creation of life, people and animals. A Dreaming story is passed on protectively as it is owned and is a form of "intellectual property". In the modern context, an Aborigine cannot relate, or paint some one else's dreaming or creation story without prior permission of the Dreaming owner. Someone's dreaming story must be respected as they hold the knowledge to that Dreaming story, leading to certain behavioural constraints, with accusations of "stealing" someone else's Dreaming if it is painted without authorisation.

The late Geoffrey Bardon's three books on Papunya specifically mention the conflict and possession of a dreaming story; the Honey Ant Dreaming painted on the school walls of Papunya.

When the mural was being painted, there had to be agreement among all tribes in Papunya (the Pintupi, Warlpiri, Arrernte, Anmatyerre) that the honey ant was an acceptable mural, since Papunya is the meeting place for all tribes.

After the mural was painted, one of the senior elders, Long Tom Onion, went to Bardon and forcefully reminded him that it was his suggestion the mural be painted. Later, Bardon realised Long Tom Onion owned that Dreaming and thus the importance of Dreaming ownership among Indigenous Australians, especially those who still retain their tribal and traditional connections.

Among the Central Desert tribes of Australia, the passing of the Dreaming story is for the most part gender-related. For example, the late artist from the Papunya movement, Clifford Possum Tjapaltjarri, painted ceremonial dreamings relating to circumcision and love stories, and lessons for "naughty boys". His daughters, Gabriella Possum and Michelle Possum have tended to paint the "Seven Sisters" Dreaming or the Pleiades as they inherited that Dreaming through the maternal line. Consequently, they have painted their "Grandmother's Country" which is an expression of their inherited ownership of the land through knowledge of the dreamings. Clifford and his daughters have not painted the same subjects; Clifford has never painted the "Seven Sisters Dreaming" and in tribal law, his daughters are not allowed to see male tribal ceremonies, let alone paint them.

Dreamings as "property" have also been used by a few Aboriginal tribes to argue before the High Court of Australia their title over their traditional tribal land. Paintings of Dreamings, travelling journeys and ceremonies tend to depict the locations where they occur. There have been cases where massive 10-metre long paintings have been presented before the Court, presented as the tribe's title deed after terra nullius was struck down during the tenure of Chief Justice Gerard Brennan.
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Offline Angela

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Re: Aboriginal Australians
« Reply #3 on: May 26, 2008, 08:36:00 AM »
from http://www.aboriginalartonline.com/culture/dreamtim.php:

The Dreamtime

The Dreamtime is a widely used, but not well understood, term describing key aspects of Aboriginal spiritual beliefs and life. Following is an extract from an book by Geoff Moore. "Myth, Mystery and Meaning of the Dreamtime". It explores the Dreamtime through elements of philosophy; psychology; spirituality, lore and secrecy that were the basis of the beliefs and practices of pre-colonial Aboriginal Australians. He is the facilitator of the Australian Aborigines History and Culture Research Project.

Dreamtime Origins

"The Aborigines learned about the origins of the tribe through their Dreamtime creation myths, that told of the significant actions of the creators. The myths were the basis of Aboriginal society and were responsible for providing certainty about existence. They contributed to their survival and it is beyond dispute that they survived for thousands of years. The Australian aborigines believed that the land they occupied was once vacuous - empty. This belief was a source of great mystery to them. It was also a great truth that was known with absolute certainty, because the ancestors had said this was the way things once were. Then, during what has become known as the Dreamtime, the land, the sky above and all they contained were formed by the actions of supernatural and mysterious beings.

"The concept of the Dreamtime was first researched by Spencer and Gillen in their study of the Arunta (Arrernte) tribe of Central Australia. They came to understand the words Alchera and Aldjeringa, as identifying a 'creative period'. Other tribes had words in their language for the same concept. As communication between the Arunta people and the non-Aboriginal scientists improved, it became apparent to them, that the aborigines understood the Dreamtime as a beginning. Here it is pointed out that there is a significant difference between Aboriginal thinking and that of others. In particular the belief that the Dreamtime is a period on a continuum of past, present and future.

"Aboriginal people understood the Dreamtime as a beginning that never ended. In one sense it was the past, the sacred past. But as Spencer and Gillen found, the word Tjurjunga was also associated with the Dreamtime. Tjurjunga identified a category of belief and action. A concept that will become more obvious as we proceed through this book. For the moment, it is sufficient to say that Tjurjunga identified the belief that the Dreamtime never ended.

"The Dreamtime itself has been explained in a number of ways. Various explanations refer to creators who were mysterious and supernatural beings. They include references to men and women 'just like us' who had the ability to shape-change into animals and other fauna; creators such as the Rainbow Serpent and also All-father and All-mother figures. There have also been references to the creators as heroes and heroines. The essential point is that each tribe had a collection of Dreamtime creation stories. In other words there were desert, mountain, alluvial plains and seacoast Dreamtime stories.

"Land itself was an icon because of the spiritual basis on which it was created and the fact that some of the creators continued to live in the land, or in the sky above watching over them. Broadly speaking they told of creative actions that resulted in the formation of the earth, the sky above and all they contain. Every hill, water hole and tree, every animals, bird and marine life along with every other living creature and natural phenomenon was believed to have come into existence in the Dreamtime.

"It was during the Dreamtime that the creators made men and women, decreed the laws which all must obey - their behavior to one another, the customs of food distribution, the rules of marriage, the rituals of initiation and the ceremonies of death which must be performed so that the spirit of the dead would travel peacefully to his or her spirit-place.

"Although the Aborigines believed that the Dreamtime was a beginning that never ended, some of their stories told them that the mythical creators disappeared. Here it is tempting to say that they believed that at an inexplicable point of time the Dreamtime ended, but this is not what they aborigines believed. They believed that the creators disappeared from the sight of mere mortals, but continued to live in secret places. Some lived in the tribe's territory in rock crevices, trees and water holes. Others went up into the sky above as heavenly bodies. Others changed into (or perhaps became) natural forces such as wind, rain, thunder and lightning."



"If you stop seeing the world in terms of what you like and dislike, and saw things for what they truly are, in themselves, you would have a great deal more peace in your life..."

Offline Angela

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Re: Aboriginal Australians
« Reply #4 on: May 26, 2008, 08:47:54 AM »
from http://encarta.msn.com/encyclopedia_761572789_2/Aboriginal_Australians.html

Clothing and Ornamentation
Although Aboriginal people in most regions went naked, they wore various kinds of personal ornaments, including armbands, headbands, pendants, necklaces, and bracelets. Depending on available resources, they made these decorative objects from shell, bone, animal teeth and claws, woven and coiled fibers, or tufts of feather and fur. In the colder climate of southeastern Australia, people wore cloaks of sewn possum skin; in southwestern Australia the cloaks were of kangaroo skin. In Tasmania, where the climate was often cold and damp, people covered themselves in red ochre and animal fat to help keep warm, as well as with kangaroo skins.

Hair was styled and decorated in a variety of ways. Women in desert regions often wove colorful seeds into their hair. In parts of Arnhem Land, men plucked their facial hair to create a goatee-style beard. In Tasmania, hair was coated with red ochre. Throughout Australia, the bodies of both men and women were enhanced with scarification (cutting the skin to produce decorative scars), mainly on the chest, arms, and back. On ceremonial occasions, men and women painted their faces and bodies with elaborate geometrical designs of spiritual significance.


from http://www.austmus.gov.au/bodyart/scarring/indigenous.htm:




Aboriginal Scarification

In Australia, scarring was practised widely, but is now restricted almost entirely to parts of Arnhem Land. Scarring is like a language inscribed on the body, where each deliberately placed scar tells a story of pain, endurance, identity, status, beauty, courage, sorrow or grief.

Like rdoyrdoy ngayineh murlahngene like mitjjindah you-know.
My mother's mother's father and my grandmother, like long ago...
barrrdetjmerriny mitjjindahgan.
In former times, they cut one another.
Baganh baganh baganh birrahgah.
Here [on the shoulder], here [on the other shoulder], here, on the chest.
Barrganginy mitjjindah now from early days yo like yarranbamuttiya [m].
They practised it long ago and in those days they showed us what to do.
Ya-ngema like ya-ngema nendah bolitj.
We call them bolitj [adornment scar].
Barrayininy or barrnane yimeng like yarratyongern marreevahburrk.
They said or they saw you getting bigger, growing up, like an adult.
Like you-know like barrrdetjme bolitj yappan.
Like you know they would cut maybe two bolitj.
Gerhyih barrrdetjmerreniny gerhyih yappan bo barrbordohminy banhwala.
They would cut each other with a stone knife. With a stone knife they would put two, or there, they would put two.
Barramoyoknyarhminy walangbolhminy now nanh bolitj.
They had burnt and cut the wound, then the adornment scar would come up.
Barramoyokjarlukkugarr walang bolhminy now bolitj.
They put it on the wound and then it comes up as an adornment scar.

Bob Burruwal, Rembarrnga, Arnhem Land
Old people, all gone now. Used to see them as a young girl working in the Wyndham Hotel. Long long time, not new generation. Stopped in the 1930s. Young man 18 or 19 gone through the law. Used to make the scar with 'jimpilam kemerrempurru' (sharp rock for making scars). Get scars before marrying. Marks made straight down - as long as a finger - on the shoulder sometimes 2 or 3 marks both side.

Scars on woman long time ago. This time nothing. Finished. Scars between breasts. Use jimpilam on girls too. Old people passed away. Nothing left. No law and no anything. They had a good law.

Doris Fletcher, Kija people, Kimberley region, north Western Australia
All those rock engravings in the countryside are what we call tribal marks, maburn in our language. The cuttings all over our country are also on people. The cuts are a stamp or a seal. Wardaman people [both men and women] have two cuts on each shoulder, two on the chest and four on the belly. Jawoyn people only have one cut on the shoulder, one on the chest and a big long one on the belly. Other people have three cuts on the shoulder and many on the belly.

You must have the cuts before you can trade anything, before you can get married, before you can sing ceremonial songs and before you can blow a didgeridoo at big burial ceremonies. In the past, everyone had to have all these cuts and a hole in their nose. If they didn't, they were 'cleanskin' or unbranded, and unbranded people couldn't do anything.

The cuts are made when a man or woman is around 16 or 17. They make them with a stone knife, made out of a special type of rock like jaspar. This rock is like stainless steel, very sharp so you can't feel it cutting. After the cut is made, they put a little burnt wood on the cut, We call it conkerberry and it's bush medicine - stops the cut from bleeding. They put the stick in the hot ashes before they make the cuts on the boy or girl, and after they're cut, they put the stick on the cut. They have to keep the stick on the cut until the skin dries up and the stick falls off. Sometimes they also put on the ashes of a gum tree, like a powder. This also stops the bleeding and keeps the skin firm.

These cuts on our bodies relate to the rock paintings. The maburn on the rock are like a letter that tells people they are in Wardaman tribal land.

Yidumduma Bill Harnie, Wardaman Aboriginal Corporation, Northern Territory





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Offline Angela

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Re: Aboriginal Australians
« Reply #5 on: May 26, 2008, 08:55:49 AM »



Stolen Generations
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The Stolen Generations (also Stolen Generation and Stolen children) is a term used to describe those children of Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander descent who were removed from their families by the Australian and State government agencies and church missions, under acts of their respective parliaments.  The removals occurred in the period between approximately 1869 and 1969, although, in some places, children were still being taken in the 1970s.

The extent of the removal of children, and the reasoning behind their removal, are contested. Documentary evidence of a range of rationales exists in newspaper reports, reports to and appearances before parliamentary committees. Motivations evident include child protection, beliefs that given their catastrophic population decline post white contact that Aboriginal people would "die out", fears of miscegenation and a desire to maintain Caucasian racial purity.

Terms such as "stolen" were used in the context of taking children from their families - the Hon P. McGarry, a member of the Parliament of New South Wales, objected to the Aborigines Protection Amending Act 1915 which enabled the Aborigines' Protection Board to remove Aboriginal children from their parents without having to establish that they were in any way neglected or mistreated; McGarry described the policy as "steal[ing] the child away from its parents". In 1923, in the Adelaide Sun an article stated "The word 'stole' may sound a bit far-fetched but by the time we have told the story of the heart-broken Aboriginal mother we are sure the word will not be considered out of place."

Indigenous Australians in most jurisdictions were "protected", effectively being wards of the State. The protection was done through each jurisdictions' Aboriginal Protection Board, in Victorian and Western Australia these boards were also responsible for applying what were known as Half-caste acts.

More recent usage was Peter Read's 1981 publication of The Stolen Generations: The Removal of Aboriginal children in New South Wales 1883 to 1969.[5] The 1997 publication of Bringing Them Home - Report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families. brought broader awareness of the "Stolen Generations.
The acceptance of the term in Australia as illustrated by the 13 February 2008 formal apology to the Stolen Generations, led by Prime Minister Kevin Rudd, and passed by both houses of the Parliament of Australia. Previously apologies had been offered by State and Territory governments in the period 1997-2001.

There however remains opposition to acceptance of the validity of the term "Stolen Generations". This was illustrated by the former Prime Minister John Howard refusing to apologise and the then Minister for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Affairs, John Herron controversially disputing the usage in April 2000. Others who dispute the validity of the term include: Peter Howson, Minister for Aboriginal Affairs in 1971-72, Keith Windschuttle and Andrew Bolt. Others argue against these responding to Windschuttle and Bolt in particular.
"If you stop seeing the world in terms of what you like and dislike, and saw things for what they truly are, in themselves, you would have a great deal more peace in your life..."

Offline Angela

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Re: Aboriginal Australians
« Reply #6 on: May 26, 2008, 09:07:11 AM »
From: http://mc2.vicnet.net.au/home/aura/web/index.html

Rock Art
AURA (the Australian Rock Art Research Association, Inc.) was founded in October 1983 and within five years became the world's largest rock art organisation. AURA's membership of rock art scholars is dedicated to the study and preservation of rock art in Australia and the world, and to the promotion of indigenous custodianship of traditional indigenous cultural heritage. AURA also promotes general awareness and appreciation of this heritage, in Australia and elsewhere, and high research standards in the field of palaeoart studies.
AURA is a founding member of the International Federation of Rock Art Organisations (IFRAO).







Pictograms of the mighty Rainbow Serpent (lower right) with some of her babies





from: http://www.aboriginalartonline.com/art/rock.php

Rock Art

Aboriginal rock art is part of a tradition of painting and engraving that stretches back thousands of years. Some of the oldest surviving examples so far found are the rock engravings in the Pilbara in Western Australia and in the Olary region of South Australia which may be as much as 40,000 years old.



Engraved crocodlie head from Olary region of South Australia

Some Aboriginal engravings and paintings are so old that we cannot know who made them, why they were made, or what their real meaning might be. We can only guess, based on knowledge of Aboriginal life past and present, the stories and legends of Aboriginal people and, maybe, what the pictures look like to present-day eyes. Other rock paintings, however, are relatively recent and are part of living tradition. They are still very important to people who know and respect their meanings. A few are even repainted by men and women who have the traditional right to do so.

In places such as Arnhem Land, Northern Territory, and Central Australia the symbols and motifs painted on rock also appear in other forms of expression such as painting on bark or canvas, reflecting a continuing tradition of great vigour. Although all Aboriginal people shared a similar way of life and similar religious beliefs, they belonged to separate groups that had their own languages, country, legends, histories and ceremonies. So it is not surprising that there is a wide variety of styles and subject matter in the rock art found throughout the continent.

Rock Art  ....  Images of the Dreaming

Throughout northern Australia can be found many spirit-figure paintings from the Dreaming that are said to be the actual ancestral beings rather than the work of any human artist. People inherited these sacred pictures and it has been their responsibility to freshen colours, repair any damage, and repaint them from time to time.

The Wandjina paintings of the Kimberley are believed to be the powerful creator figures themselves - beings who control rain, storms and floods. Their painted images show them as human in form, with large bodies outlined in red, great dark eyes, no mouths and 'haloes' of cloud and lightning.

Similarly, Aboriginal people of western Arnhem Land say that their Mimi rock pictures were painted not by humans but by the Mimi spirits. The drawings, usually in red ochre, show elegant, graceful stick-like human figures in action - fighting, running, dancing, leaping and hunting.

The Mimi live in the nooks and crannies of the rocky landscape, coming out at night. They are said to be so thin and frail that they can emerge from their hiding places only when there is no wind, otherwise they would be blown away. The Mimi not only created these lively self-portraits, but also are the Dreaming ancestors who taught people to paint, hunt, dance and compose songs.



Human figure said to be painted by a Mimi spirit - from Kakadu National Park


Rock art is part of a living tradition

Rock pictures are still very important to Aboriginal people, in many different ways. Originally each site belonged to a particular group which had the right of access and the responsibility for looking after the paintings or engravings and for any necessary ceremonies. Many religious images were more than mere pictures. They represented the actual spiritual energy of the creative ancestors and when repainted or retouched in a ritual context their sacred power was released, ensuring that the seasons came at their proper time, plants and animals were in plentiful supply, and children were born.

In some areas, such as Arnhem Land and Central Australia, rock painting retains its religious significance. The Warlpiri and Pitjantjatjara people of the deserts still retouch their sacred images for specific ritual purposes. Larry Jakamarra Nelson, a Warlpiri man and teacher of the old traditions who lives at Yuendumu in the Northern Territory, says:

When I look at my tjukurrpa [dreaming] paintings it makes me feel good - happy in kuturu (heart), spirit. Everything is there: all there in the caves, not lost. This is my secret side. This is my home - inside me . . . Our dreaming, secret side - we must hold on to this, like our fathers, looking after it . . . We give to our sons when we die. The sons keep this from their fathers, grandfathers. The sons will remember, they can carry on, not be lost. And it is still there - fathers' country with rockhole, painted cave . . . The people keep their ceremony things and pictures - they make them new. They bring young boys for learning to the caves - telling the stories, giving the laws from grandfathers' fathers, learning to do the paintings - tjukurrpa way.
(From the preface to Elaine Godden and Jutta Malnic, Rock Paintings of Aboriginal Australia)
As Larry Jakamarra Nelson indicates, the paintings demonstrate group ownership of sites and country, Aboriginal connections to their land. Even where images are no longer painted or repainted, they can still be very important to Aboriginal people who know the stories and meanings associated with them.

In many parts of Australia, however, the history of the last 200 years has meant the loss of land and of traditional religious beliefs and practices. Nevertheless, the rock paintings and engravings found in these areas still have great symbolic significance to Aboriginal communities. They are regarded as a major link with the past, a part of Aboriginal heritage, a record of Aboriginal history, and a source of identity to present generations of Aboriginal people.




"If you stop seeing the world in terms of what you like and dislike, and saw things for what they truly are, in themselves, you would have a great deal more peace in your life..."

Offline Michael

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Re: Aboriginal Australians
« Reply #7 on: May 26, 2008, 09:12:11 AM »
This is a very interesting insight to Aust Aboriginals, by a friend of mine who has worked for many years in an Aboriginal centre in remote Northern Territory:

"Aboriginal people in Maningrida with their strong traditional cultural base have a completely different world view to that held by most mainstream Australians.

Mainstream Australians gain status by accumulating wealth. Aboriginal people gain status by giving it away.


Mainstream Australians define themselves by their jobs and the job represents an important part of their life. Aboriginal people define themselves by their families and jobs are very low on the priority list.

Mainstream Australians are always trying to “better themselves”. Aboriginal people don’t follow this concept at all.

Mainstream Australians tend to leave home problems at home. Aboriginal workers tend to stay at home if there has been a family fight.

Mainstream Australians tend to come to work even if there have been some disputes in the workplace. Aboriginal people tend to stay at home if there has been a dispute in the workplace.

Mainstream Australians tend to go to work even if they dislike their supervisor. Aboriginal people tend to stay away if they dislike their supervisor.

Mainstream Australians tend to be motivated by increased responsibility and challenge. Aboriginal people tend to be shy of this.

Mainstream Australians tend to like to learn from their mistakes. Aboriginal people tend to be shamed by mistakes.

Mainstream Australians try and plan or save for the future. Aboriginal people never worry about the future.


And then there is demand sharing. Every Aboriginal person is related to others in a particular way. Those relationships encompass various rights and obligations. Those obligations mean that if someone (a broadly defined family member) demands some of your property then you comply or risk being ostracised from the community. This imperative has been integral to Aboriginal culture for thousands of years but it is probably the single most important disincentive for Aboriginal participation in the workforce. Those who do well and gain jobs mainstream style will be forced to share their income to such an extent that they cannot see the benefit of doing well and are likely to revert back to their culture. Only a very strong person can withstand this pressure."
« Last Edit: May 26, 2008, 09:16:32 AM by Michael »

Offline Angela

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Re: Aboriginal Australians
« Reply #8 on: May 26, 2008, 09:13:23 AM »
Rock Art
Rock engravings

Engraving is a very old technique. Engravings (also called petroglyphs) are made by removing part of a rock surface either by rubbing (abrading) or by hitting (pecking) it with a stone or other object.

The earliest petroglyphs were probably abraded grooves. Abraded designs were produced by repeatedly rubbing a soft rock such as sandstone with a harder stone. Pecked designs were made by striking the rock surface with a pointed stone or shell to form a series of small, round holes.

The pecked designs took a variety of forms - concentric circles, lines, the outlines of animals, people, fish, birds, weapons, reptiles, animal tracks and mythical beings. In certain engravings (sometimes called pecked intaglio) the whole surface of the picture was hollowed out.


Pecked engraving of a lizard, Thomas Reservoir, Northern Territory

Rock engravings are commonly found in the open on natural rock exposures such as large flat rocks or cliff faces. They can be very large, especially in the Sydney sandstone district where there is a whale 13m long and 3.5m wide. Although most engravings are hundreds or thousands of years old, some that show sailing ships were created as recently as the time of European settlement.

Rock paintings

Unlike engravings, the great majority of rock paintings were made in shelters where they are protected from the weather by an overhang. These rock shelters vary in size and shape: from deep caves to rock surfaces protected by only the smallest of ledges. Rock paintings are found all over Australia but the most spectacular cave galleries are in the north of the Northern Territory; in the Laura district of Cape York, Queensland; and in the Kimberley region of Western Australia. Here the abundance of rock formations and natural pigments presented Aboriginal people with an almost endless supply of surfaces and colours for their painted images.

The Aboriginal painters used earth colours - reds, browns and yellows, black and white - from natural ingredients. Red was a very important, often sacred, colour and widely used. It came from a variety of ochres and minerals. Certain red ochres were so highly valued that people would travel or trade over hundreds of kilometres to obtain them. Yellows came from several sources such as ochre, the dust of particular ants' nests, minerals, and a certain kind of fungus. Manganese oxide, crushed charcoal or charred bark provided the colour black, and white came from kaolin or pipeclay.

The paint was applied to the rock surface in a variety of ways. For stencilled designs, paint was blown from the mouth. Other pictures were painted using fingers, the palm of the hand, sticks or feathers. Brushes were also made from grasses, chewed twigs, narrow strips of stringybark or palm leaves.

Subjects and styles

Aborigines made pictures of a wide variety of subjects including mythical beings, humans, birds, animals, fish, reptiles and animal tracks as well as more abstract designs. As we have seen, many of these works were connected with religion, ritual and ceremony. The abstract designs often contained 'coded' information - the meaning of the symbols might be known only to those who had gone through special ceremonies.

However, painting and engraving could be a secular as well as a religious activity. Many painted sites, in particular, contain a vivid record of the daily life of the people who created them. The rock walls form a sort of 'pictorial history book' which can include pictures of extinct giant marsupials or the story of contact between Aborigines and other peoples. For example, there are paintings showing the visits of Macassan fishermen and their boats to Australia's northern shores hundreds of years ago. There are also images of European sailing ships, as well as drawings of weapons, tools and animals the white settlers brought with them. In Central Australia guns, axes, cattle and horses are pictured along with ceremonial ornaments, boomerangs, clubs, shields and the more abstract designs of the Western Desert.

Styles of rock painting vary from region to region. Stencils, however, are found almost everywhere. They are mostly of hands ranging in size from baby to adult. These images were made by holding an object, whether a hand or foot or utensil or weapon, against the surface of the rock and spraying liquid pigment from the mouth over and around it so that its clear outline was left on the rock.



   Western Arnhem Land is the home of the painting style known as X-ray, a name given to it by Europeans because the pictures show internal features such as the skeleton, heart, lungs and other organs of the creatures represented as well as their external shapes. Many of these paintings are of food animals such as turtles, kangaroos and fish, and are thought to be a form of hunting and fishing magic.
The cave and rock imagery of the desert also has its own distinctive style. The principal motifs are a variety of circles, semicircles, spirals, dots and lines. Totemic ancestors are portrayed in simple lines, tracks and geometric designs. However, contact paintings - usually illustrating animals and objects that are not part of the Aboriginal mythological universe - are generally naturalistic rather than abstract in form.



Deterioration of rock art

Rock paintings are remarkably fragile and can be damaged in many ways. Wind, sun, rain, fire and dust all take their toll. Animals such as buffalo, pigs, cattle and horses cause paints to flake and crumble when they rub against the surfaces. Paintings are also damaged by the activity of birds and certain insects such as termites and mud wasps that build nests on rock walls. Plants, too, can have an effect. Moulds, fungi, algae and lichen grow over many painting sites, and tree roots can cause whole rock surfaces to crack or fall away.

Ochre paints are easily washed away, or simply fade through natural weathering. On the other hand, water rich in silica can protect painted surfaces by sealing the paintings and protecting them from physical, chemical and botanical damage.

Perhaps most damaging of all are the activities of people. Visitors disturb dust which coats painted surfaces and may physically abrade or chemically react with the paints. Motorists, tourists and vandals are, intentionally or unintentionally, accelerating the deterioration of many paintings.

Protection

Various protective measures are being taken. The simplest involve putting up fences to keep out wild, feral and domestic animals and building barriers to keep cars and campfires at a distance. Other measures include silicone driplines to divertwater away from decorated surfaces, removal of lichen, and managing vegetation to prevent damage from bushfires.

Another way to protect sites is to provide visitor facilities that encourage appreciation of the paintings and engravings at a distance. This may involve providing boardwalks and low barriers to keep visitors to a path or to elevate them so they have a better view. Informative signs and take-away brochures alert visitors to the fragility and cultural significance of the paintings and engravings. Guided tours, especially those given by Aboriginal custodians, are another important means of education.

In preserving Aboriginal paintings and engravings, it is important to consider the knowledge and wishes of the Aboriginal custodians. Until the coming of Europeans, Aborigines did not need to concern themselves with how well or how long the pigments they painted with would survive. Their traditional responsibilities ensured that important paintings were renewed. Today, however, the descendants of many custodial groups do not have the knowledge and access necessary to maintain sites that contain significant imagery. For some Aboriginal custodians, so much knowledge has been lost that their primary concern now is to preserve what already exists and prevent further damage and deterioration.


"If you stop seeing the world in terms of what you like and dislike, and saw things for what they truly are, in themselves, you would have a great deal more peace in your life..."

Offline Angela

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Re: Aboriginal Australians
« Reply #9 on: May 26, 2008, 09:25:58 AM »
Traditional Symbols

Conventional designs and symbols are an essential part of the long traditions in Aboriginal art. When applied to the body of a person taking part in a ceremony or the surface of an object, these have the power to transform the object to one with religious significance. Dots are one of the conventional symbols widely used and for many non-Aboriginal people these are what give Central and Western Desert art its distinctive character.

    
Aborigines with sand painting and body painting - from Spencer-Gillen expedition to Central Australia in 1912.



Traditional Aboriginal Art Symbols

Traditional symbols are an essential part of much contemporary Aboriginal art. Aboriginal peoples have long artistic traditions within which they use conventional designs and symbols. These designs when applied to any surface, whether on the body of a person taking part in a ceremony or on a shield, have the power to transform the object to one with religious significance and power. Through the use of designs inherited from ancestors, artists continue their connections to country and the Dreaming.

For example, body decoration using ancestral designs is an important part of many ceremonies. In central Australia inherited designs are painted onto the face and body using ochres ground to a paste with water and applied in stripes or circles. The modern paintings of the Central and Western Desert incorporate many of these designs. Some of the symbols used are:


Symbols used in Papunya Central Desert art -
Based on information from "Papunya Tula" by Geoffrey Bardon

While the most commonly used symbols are relatively simple, they can be used in elaborate combinations to tell more complex stories. For example, a Water Dreaming painting might show a U shaped symbol for a man, sitting next to a circle or concentric circles representing a waterhole, and spiral lines showing running water. The painter is telling the story of the power of the water man to invoke rain. Further symbols will add to the depth of meaning. Today artists often refer to the 'outside' story which they provide for the general public while the painting retains an 'inside' story accessible only to those with the appropriate level of knowledge.

Dots are one of the conventional symbols widely used and for many non-Aboriginal people these are what give Central and Western Desert art its distinctive character. Dots may represent many things - including stars, sparks or burnt ground. The base or floor of any Aboriginal design or painting is the preparation of the earth, or the ancestor being's involvement with the earth.

Amongst the artists of the Central and Western Desert art movement of the last 30 years, Johnny Warangkula was the first to use dotting as the background for his paintings. Because of the brilliance of his work, other painters at Papunya (and later Yuendumu and other central desert communities) adopted his style and conventions.

As the Papunya painting movement developed in the 1970s, dotting was increasingly used to obscure meanings and to hide some of the symbolism that was not meant to be exposed to the un-initiated. It is therefore ironic that the technique of using dots, that many Western people regard as characteristic of contemporary Central and Western Desert art, should have as a major function the obscuring of meaning.

Rather than reveal their secrets to the marketplace, the artists developed ways of avoiding or hiding the sacred. The dots, which became much more prominent in Papunya painting from 1973, are thought to have been crucial. Dick Kimber identified them in 1981 as a prime means of 'eliminating some elements used on some sacred objects', while Judith Ryan has characterized them as 'masking', even 'camouflage'.



Painting


This is a Tjukurrpa (Creation Story) about the constellations of Pleiades and Orion. The sisters are the constellation of Pleiades and the other star Orion is said to be Nyiru (described as a lusty or bad man). Nyiru is forever chasing the sisters known as the Kunkarunkara women as it is said he wants to marry the eldest sister. The seven sisters travel again and again from the sky to the earth to escape Nyiru’s unwanted attentions. They turn into their human form to escape from the persistent Nyiru, but he always finds them and they flee back to the sky. As Nyiru is chasing the sisters he tries to catch them by using magic to turn into the most tempting kampurarpra (bush tomatoes) for the sisters eat and the most beautiful Ili (fig) tree for them to camp under. However, the sisters are too clever for Nyiru and out wit him as the knowledgeable of his magic. They go hungry and run through the night rather than be caught by Nyiru. Every now and again one of the women fall victim to his ways. It is said that he eventually captures the youngest sister, but with the help of the oldest sister, she escapes back to her sisters who are waiting for her. Eventually the sisters fly back into the sky to escape Nyiru reforming the constellation.

"If you stop seeing the world in terms of what you like and dislike, and saw things for what they truly are, in themselves, you would have a great deal more peace in your life..."

Offline Angela

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Re: Aboriginal Australians
« Reply #10 on: May 26, 2008, 09:35:31 AM »
And then there is demand sharing. Every Aboriginal person is related to others in a particular way. Those relationships encompass various rights and obligations. Those obligations mean that if someone (a broadly defined family member) demands some of your property then you comply or risk being ostracised from the community. This imperative has been integral to Aboriginal culture for thousands of years but it is probably the single most important disincentive for Aboriginal participation in the workforce. Those who do well and gain jobs mainstream style will be forced to share their income to such an extent that they cannot see the benefit of doing well and are likely to revert back to their culture. Only a very strong person can withstand this pressure."

As I've been studying this culture, I can't help but compare them to the Native American Indians of the US.  It's awful how "progress" destroys.  They are quite a noble people.
"If you stop seeing the world in terms of what you like and dislike, and saw things for what they truly are, in themselves, you would have a great deal more peace in your life..."

Offline Michael

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Re: Aboriginal Australians Modern Vs Old
« Reply #11 on: May 26, 2008, 09:38:09 AM »
We have a very similar problem with the Aboriginals as Rudi described with the Rom. On the one hand, they have an amazing old culture, although it has rarely been respected by white Australians in the past.

But in the towns and cities, like where I live, they are responsible for 90% of the house break-ins and street bashings. This, when it happens to you, really dulls any sympathy for them based on either their old culture or their current difficult problems - there are always reasons why a demographic group causes social problems, and mostly those reasons are highly intractable to easy solutions.

I find myself in the situation where I see two cultures - the old and the new. Both are very interesting, and they are also linked. I don't have the difficulty myself to step aside from the social/personal-protection issue, and be able to observe with interest the cultural differences. I always enjoy to take up an opportunity to see the world through the eyes of another group of people, even where that is socially or personally dysfunctional. In fact I can be pissed off and fascinated at the same time.

because the enjoyment for me is to step outside my own assumed value system, and gain a new perspective on life and the world - I like to be challenged on my deepest presumptions. Perhaps I can only do that because I feel personally secure to some extent.

Offline Angela

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Re: Aboriginal Australians
« Reply #12 on: May 26, 2008, 09:47:53 AM »

From Wikipedia:

Music
Indigenous Australian music includes the music of Australian aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders, who are collectively called Indigenous Australians; it incorporates a wide variety of distinctive traditional music styles practised by Indigenous Australian peoples, as well as a range of contemporary musical styles both derivative of and fusion with European traditions as interpreted and performed by indigenous Australian artists. Music has formed an integral part of the social, cultural and ceremonial observances of Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, down through the millennia of their individual and collective histories to the present day. The traditional forms include many aspects of performance and musical instrumentation which are unique to particular regions or Indigenous Australian groups; there are equally elements of musical tradition which are common or widespread through much of the Australian continent, and even beyond. The culture of the Torres Strait Islanders is related to that of adjacent parts of New Guinea and so their music is also related.

In addition to these indigenous traditions and musical heritage, ever since the 18th century European colonisation of Australia began indigenous Australian musicians and performers have adopted and interpreted many of the imported Western musical styles, often informed by and in combination with traditional instruments and sensibilities. Similarly, non-indigenous artists and performers have adapted, used and sampled indigenous Australian styles and instruments in their works. Contemporary musical styles such as rock and roll, country, hip hop, and reggae have all featured a variety of notable indigenous Australian performers.

Traditional forms and instruments

Bunggul
Bunggul is a style of music that came into being around the Mann River and is known for its intense lyrics, which are often stories of epic journeys and continue, or repeat, unaccompanied after the music has stopped.

Clan songs and songlines
A particular clan in Aboriginal culture may share songs, known as emeba (Groote Eylandt), fjatpangarri (Yirrkala), manikay (Arnhem Land) or other native terms. Songs are about clan or family history and are frequently updated to take into account popular films and music, controversies and social relationships.

Songlines ("Yiri" in the Walpiri language) relate to Dreamtime, with oral lore and storytelling manifested in an intricate series of song cycles that identified landmarks and other items and tracking (hunting) mechanisms for navigation. These songs often described how the features of the land were created and named during the Dreamtime. By singing the songs in the appropriate order, indigenous Australians could navigate vast distances often traveling through the deserts of Australia's interior. They relate the holder or the keeper of the song (or Dreamtime story) with an inherent obligation and reciprocity with the land.

Death Wail
A mourning lament recorded in a number of locations in central and northern Australia and among the Torres Strait Islanders.

Karma
Karma is a type of oral literature that tells a religious or historical story.

Didgeridoo
A didgeridoo is a type of musical instrument that, according to according to western musicological classification, falls into the category of aerophone. It consists of a long tube, without fingerholes, through which the player blows. It is sometimes fitted with a mouthpiece of beeswax. Didgeridoos are traditionally of eucalyptus or bamboo, but are also made of contemporary materials such as PVC piping. In traditional situations it is played only by men, usually as an accompaniment to ceremonial or recreational singing, or, much more rarely, as a solo instrument. Skilled players use the technique of circular breathing to achieve a continuous sound, and also employ techniques for inducing multiple harmonic resonances. Although traditionally the instrument was not widespread around the country - it was only used by Aboriginal groups in the most northerly areas - today it is commonly considered the national instrument, not only of Australian Aborigines but of Australia in general. Famous players include Djalu Gurruwiwi, Mark Atkins and Joe Geia, as well as white virtuoso Charlie McMahon.

Krill Krill
The Krill Krill song cycle is a modern musical innovation from east Kimberley. A man named Rover Thomas claims to have discovered the ceremony in 1974 (see 1974 in music) after a woman to whom he was spiritually related was killed after a car accident near Warmun. Thomas claimed to have been visited by her spirit and received the ceremony from her. In addition to the music, Thomas and others, including Hector Jandany and Queenie McKenzie, developed a critically acclaimed style of painting in sync with the development of the ceremony.

Kun-borrk
Kun-borrk came into being around the Adelaide, Mann and Rose Rivers, distinguished by a didgeridoo introduction followed by the percussion and vocals, which often conclude words (in contrast to many other syllabic styles of Aboriginal singing).

Wangga
Wangga came into being near the South Alligator River and is distinguished by an extremely high note to commence the song, accompanied by rhythmic percussion and followed by a sudden shift to a low tone.


A didgeridoo. This particular instrument is more ornate than most:



"If you stop seeing the world in terms of what you like and dislike, and saw things for what they truly are, in themselves, you would have a great deal more peace in your life..."

Offline Angela

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Re: Aboriginal Australians
« Reply #13 on: May 26, 2008, 10:01:22 AM »
The Aboriginal Australian Diet

Australian Aborigines--
Living Off the Fat of the Land

By Sally Fallon and Mary G. Enig, PhD

Of all the peoples visited by Weston Price during his historic research expeditions of the 1930s, none elicited as much awe as the Australian Aborigines, whom he described as "a living museum preserved from the dawn of animal life on the earth." For Price, the Aborigines represented the paradigm of moral and physical perfection. Their skills in hunting, tracking and food gathering were unsurpassed. Their social organization allowed for the schooling of children from a young age. A series of initiations for the boys were designed to instill both fearlessness and respect for the welfare of the entire tribe, and respect and care for a sizeable number of old people, for whom were reserved special foods that were easy to gather and hunt. Price's photographs of Aborigines on their native diets illustrate dental structures so perfect as to make the reader wonder whether these natives were wearing false teeth. But like all the other primitive groups Price studied, the Aborigines soon succumbed to rampant tooth decay and disease of every type when they adopted the "displacing foods of modern commerce" – white flour and sugar, jams, canned foods and tea. Children born to the next generation developed irregularities of the dental arches with conspicuous facial deformities – patterns that mimicked those seen in white civilizations.10

The Australian continent provides plentiful animal foods – land mammals, birds, reptiles, seafood and insects – plus a bewildering variety of plant foods. Conditions were lush in the subtropical areas along the coasts, and extremely harsh in the desert interior. Nevertheless, bushmen of the arid regions exhibited the same robust good health as their brothers living in the coastal forests. Each clan stayed within its own prescribed area, except to participate in certain religious ceremonies or to share in particularly bountiful harvests of foods like shellfish or nuts. Coastal groups built more or less permanent shelters and moved as a group only to take advantage of certain seasonal food supplies. Desert tribes were more wandering; they had larger territories and moved about according to the location of water and game.

The men were responsible for hunting large game, birds and fish. They generally hunted the kangaroo in groups. A number spread out to herd the animals towards a net that they stretched across a pocket in the forest or brush near the animals' feeding area. Another group concealed itself near the net to catch the game with spears or clubs. In open country, the animals were tracked and speared while they were resting in the shade of a tree during the hot part of the day.11 Smaller marsupials, such as the wallaby, paddy-melon, bandicoot and kangaroo rat, were also hunted. In the arid central regions, such small game has been replaced in part by rabbits. Echidna – the spiny anteater – is also hunted for its meat.

The Aborigines did not hunt at night, but extracted nocturnal animals such as possum and koala bear – both prized foods – from their daytime resting places in various ingenious ways. The Aborigines would first detect the presence of the animal by its smell, claw marks or droppings, and confirm its presence by inserting a stick or frond tipped with honey into the hollow tree or log serving as a lair. If hairs stuck to the honey, they knew the animal was there. They extracted it either by climbing a tree to drag out the animal or by smoking it out of its resting place.

Bats such as the flying fox and grey glider were so numerous in certain places that they blocked out the stars and moon when they flew. They were caught during the day as they slept in the scrub. Two or three people carrying about a dozen small clubs would climb trees where the bats were sleeping. Standing on branches, they would frighten the bats and throw the clubs at them as they flew away.

Reptiles such as goannas (iguanas), lizards, frogs and snakes also found a place in the Aboriginal diet, as did birds of all sizes – emus, turkeys, swans, ducks, parrots and cockatoos. To catch flying birds such as parrots, the Aborigines set nets across trees. Boomerangs were thrown above the flock. Thinking these were hawks, the birds dived down and were caught in the nets. In the summer, hunters would capture ducks by submerging themselves up to their necks in water holes, holding small branches to hide their heads. When a duck came close, the hunter would grasp its legs and drown it. Fish were speared or poisoned by adding certain poisonous plants to the water. When they rose to the surface, they could be captured by hand.

The great challenge for the Aborigine was to obtain enough dietary fat. They were close observers of nature and knew just when certain animals were at their fattest. For example, kangaroos were fat when the fern leaf wattle was in flower; possums when the apple tree was in bloom. Other signs indicated when the carpet snake, kangaroo rat, mussels, oysters, turtles and eels were fat and at their best.11 Except in times of drought or famine, the Aborigine rejected kangaroos that were too lean – they were not worth carrying back to camp.1 During periods of abundance "animals were slaughtered ruthlessly, and only the best and fattest parts of the killed game were eaten."7 Favorite foods were fat from the intestines of marsupials and from emus.7 Highly saturated kidney fat from the possum was often eaten raw.5 The dugong, a large seagoing mammal, was another source of fat available to natives on the coasts.

Other sources of fat included eggs – from both birds and reptiles – and a great variety of insects. Chief among them was the witchety grub, or moth larva, found in rotting trunks of trees. These succulent treats – often over six inches long – were eaten both raw and cooked. Fat content of the dried grub is as high as 67%. The green tree ant was another source of valuable fat, with a fat-to-protein ration of about 12 to one. Another important seasonal food in some parts of the country was the begong moth. The moths were knocked off rock walls on which they gathered in large numbers, or smoked out of caves or crevices. They were roasted on the spot or ground up for future use. Moth abdomens are the size of a small peanut and are rich in fat.4

Weston Price consistently found that healthy primitive peoples consumed a diet containing at least ten times the fat-soluble activators – vitamins found only in animal fat – compared to the typical American diet of his day. These would be supplied in the Aboriginal diet by animal fat, organ meats of game animals (the entire animal was consumed, even the entrails) as well as insects, fish and especially shellfish, including lobster, crab, crayfish, prawns, snails, oysters, mussels, mud whelk, abalone, scallops, sea urchins and periwinkles. Shellfish are typically ten times richer in vitamin D than organ meats. Shellfish feeding on algae and insects feeding on green plants also would have supplied the Price Factor or Activator X (now believed to be vitmin K2), a potent catalyst for mineral absorption.10

The traditional role for Aboriginal women was that of gatherer. They were responsible for harvesting insects, shellfish and almost all plant foods. Most regions of Australia offered a cornucopia of nutritious plant foods, even the arid desert regions. The east coast of Australia alone boasts over 250 edible plants including tubers such as yams and grass potatoes, fern roots, palm hearts, legumes, nuts, seeds, shoots, leaves and a wide variety of fruits such as figs and berries.9 Some areas provided native millet in abundance. In the desert, the spinifex produced large quantities of seed at certain times of the year.

One of the most remarkable sources of food for the Aborigines in eastern Australia were the mountain bunya pines. Once every three years these huge trees bore enormous quantities of cones, the largest of which contain seeds about one and one-half inches long. Every third year, many tribes would travel to the Bunya Bunya festival – it was one of the few times when people were permitted to cross other tribes' boundaries. The harvest was so plentiful that thousands of people could live for several weeks off the seeds. The nuts are described as having a delicious taste, something like chestnuts when roasted.9 The kernels were also pounded into a meal and baked in the ashes as a cake. The Aborigines stored bunya nuts by placing them in large cane baskets and burying them in a particular kind of mud. When exhumed – after many months of lying in the ground – the nuts had a very offensive smell but nevertheless were a popular food.11

Other trees that played an important role in Aboriginal culture included the many varieties of acacia, which provided flowers used in making sweet drinks, grubs collected from their trunks and roots and bark used as fish poison. Mangrove trees, which grew in freshwater swamps or "billabongs," provided fruit and also harbored mangrove worms, fresh water oysters, bivalve mussels and crabs in their complex root systems. Salt was collected from their leaves.11 Gum trees or eucalyptus harbored grubs, beehives, koalas and possum, as well as tasty insect exudate called lerps. Even galls that formed on their trunks were eaten. Some flowers provided nectar used to make a sweet drink called "bool" by one tribe of Aborigines. The ribbon gum was a rich source of manna, a crumbly white substance with a pleasant taste, which exudes from the bark. As much as 40 pounds could be collected from trees in one day.6 Eucalyptus leaves were used to make herbal medicines while the gums were used to fill dental cavities.11 Melaleuca or paper bark tree flowers were used to make sweet drinks. More importantly, their bark was used in everything from cooking to canoe production.

Animal foods were generally cooked, either over an open fire or steamed in pits. Kangaroo, for example, was laid on a fire and seared for a short period, so that the interior flesh remained practically raw; at other times the kangaroo was placed in a large hole, surrounded by hot coals and sealed from the air. Sometimes food was wrapped in melaleuca bark. Flying fox was wrapped in the leaf of the Alexandra palm for cooking. When the foxes were cooked, the leaves were unwrapped, pulling off the skin and fur at the same time.6 Meat was sometimes tenderized by pounding before being cooked.

Plant foods required more careful preparation since many of them were difficult to digest and even poisonous. Aboriginal women spent many hours washing, grinding, pounding, straining, grating, boiling and cooking plant foods. Water was boiled in bark troughs or in large sea shells.6

Very often, the first step to the time consuming process of plant preparation was the "yandying" process, used by women to separate seeds from stalks and other impurities with which they had been gathered. The process looks deceptively simple but is, in fact, extremely difficult, "requiring deft movements and a great deal of skill." The gathered seeds are placed in an elongated wooden dish called a "coolamon," and the various objects of differing density or characteristics are separated from each other by "very intricate and skillful rotating and jiggling movements."5

Fern roots formed a staple article of food in many regions. They were dug up, washed, roasted on hot ashes, then cut into lengths, pounded between a pair of round stones and eaten. Other types of fern roots were dried in the sun, lightly roasted to remove the hair rootlets, then peeled with the fingernails, chopped on a log to break the fibers, mixed with water and other ingredients and finally rounded into a lump for cooking. These fern root cakes were eaten with fish, meat, crabs or oysters. The grass potato is a palatable fibrous root that was roasted and then pounded between two stones before eating. Some foods, such as orchid pseudobulbs, were dried first, then ground up and mixed with water and cooked. Yams were dug out with a stick – sometimes from a depth of three feet or more – and prepared by crushing and washing them in water and cooking them in ashes.11

Many seeds are placed in "dilly bags" – leaching baskets – and set in running water for anywhere from a number of hours to many days – a process that served to remove anti-nutrients and toxins found in many seeds and legumes. The matchbox bean, for example, was soaked for 12 hours,6 while the jack bean was soaked several days before it was pounded, made into cakes and roasted.11 Seeds of the zamia, a spiky, palmlike plant, were dried in the sun, then put in a dilly bag and suspended in running water for 4-5 days. They were then crushed and pounded between two flat stones and ground into a fine paste. This paste was wrapped in paper bark, baked under ashes and eaten as cakes.6 Seeds of the pineapple palm were crushed into a flour, then washed in running water for a week, cooked in hot coals and eaten.11 Black beans were soaked in water for 8-10 days and dried in the sun. They were roasted on hot stones and pounded into a coarse meal. When this was required as a food, it was mixed with water, made into a thin cake and then baked again on hot stones.6

Nuts from the spiky panaanus palm, which cling to the rocky headlands in Eastern Australia, required six weeks treatment to render them safe for eating. They were converted into a tasty and nutritious nut bread which was also popular with the earliest European settlers.9 The Australian fauna provided many delicious and nutritious fruits throughout the year, particularly in the humid coastal regions. Some of these were eaten raw just after picking, while others were processed. The wild orange was picked just before it was ripe, then buried for one day during which it became very sweet. The wallaby apple was likewise ripened by placing it in the sand for a day.11 The taste of a type of wild plum improved after storing or burying for a couple of days.6 Fruit of the quandong, or native peach, was buried for four days.11 Dried figs were pounded into cakes and eaten with honey. Mangrove fruit was pulped, soaked and mashed through a basket.11

The Aborigines also used fruits like tamarinds and native lime to make refreshing beverages.11 An acid drink was made from the fruit of lawyer cane by squashing the fruit in water, and from breadfruit by soaking it in water.6 Certain flowers rich in nectar were gathered in the early morning and steeped in water. This was drunk fresh and also set aside to ferment.11 Some tribes pounded flowers in a wooden dish, then drained the liquid into another dish and mixed this with the sugary parts of honey ants. This mixture was allowed to ferment for eight to ten days and a brew was made to drink.6 Dried leaves of the red flowering ti tree were added to hot water to produce a tealike beverage.6

Of course, fresh, pure water was vital to the survival of the Aborigines, both in the subtropical coastal regions as well as in the arid interior. Inland Aborigines knew where water was located in the desert and except in times of extreme drought drank copious quantities of it. Researchers have found that "In one of the driest habitats on earth, these people use about twice as much water per unit of mass as Europeans in the same environment."7 An adult Aboriginal male can drink almost three quarts of water in 35 seconds.7 During times of drought, water can be obtained from water-holding frogs and from certain plants.5

In the past, kangaroo skin water bags were used to carry quite large volumes of water. Paradoxically, these were not used in the driest areas, perhaps because kangaroos are relatively rare in the desert and the vital nutrients – particularly fat-soluble nutrients – are lost if this animal is not cooked in its skin.5 Up to a gallon of water could be carried in certain large leaves folded up in ingenious ways.

No studies of the Aboriginal peoples make mention of any special preparation of bones into pastes or broths, as is commonly found among other traditional peoples throughout the world. It has been reported that the Aborigines made lime by burning sea shells in a large fire which they kept burning for three to four days,3 which probably was used in food preparation. Insects eaten whole and ground up moths provided calcium, as did the many plant foods properly prepared to neutralize calcium-blocking phytic acid.

Neither the salty nor the sweet tastes were lacking in the Aboriginal diet. Salt was collected from leaves of the river mangrove and available from the salt flats in desert regions. Leaves of sodium-rich pigface were roasted and added to the diet.6 Certain rushes and sedges contained reasonable amounts of sodium, as well as seeds of the golden grevellea, some kinds of figs, the nonda plum and the bush tomato. Wild parsnip root and water chestnuts contain more than 4500 mg of sodium per 100 grams.8 Animal foods also supply sodium, especially blood and certain organ meats, goanna, shellfish, snails and worms.8 Seeds of the pepper vine were ground and used as a pepper6 and some aromatic leaves were also used in cooking.

For sweetness, the Aborigines loved honey. They distinguished between two kinds. One was white and very sweet, and always found in small dead hollow trees. The other was dark, more plentiful and of a somewhat sour taste.11 In the desert, the sweet taste came from eating the swollen abdomens of sugar ants. Tree gums were dissolved in water and mixed with honey to form sweets for children.3 Lerp, the sweet exudate found on certain trees, was collected and chewed or melted with warm water to form a jelly and eaten.11

Some writers have stated that the Aborigines practiced "no method of agriculture or animal domestication."12 This is not exactly true. Occasionally, the Aborigine domesticated the wild dingo by raising and training the dogs from pups. These were of little help in hunting kangaroo but were useful in tracking and pinning the echidna and the goanna.

If the Aborigines did not practice agriculture per se, they did carry out the practice of land management, especially through the use of fire. Ethnobotanists are only beginning to appreciate the vital role that fire played in increasing the food supply of the Aborigines. Early explorers often reported Aboriginal land fires. Many of the important Aboriginal food plants require regular burning if they are to attain their maximum production. Some desert plants require more frequent burning than others, resulting in a "mosaic of plant communities in different stages of fire recovery."5

Even the practice of abstaining from hunting and gathering in the area of sacred sites contributed to the overall ecology of the Aboriginal environment. Such sites served as sanctuaries for animal life. "These areas would… be vitally important for the long-term viability of an area as immediately after droughts they would be a source of plants and animals to restock depleted areas, thereby ensuring a more rapid recovery of the home range's biota."5

Another area of land management involved the creation of havens for insect populations. Oak trunks were pushed into the creeks and rivers to attract the toredo grubs.11 Sometimes wood was piled over half a meter high and almost two meters wide. This would be considered ready to harvest in a year's time. The grubs were collected by women and old men. Aborigines also ringbarked candle nut trees to make the trunks rot. White grubs would feed on the decaying wood and were collected for food.6

The traditional diet of the Aborigine thus provided all he needed for excellent physical development, superb strength and stamina and overall good health. Like Weston Price, early explorers reported the Aborigines to be "well formed; their limbs are straight and muscular, their bodies erect; their heads well shaped; the features are generally good; teeth regular, white and sound. They are capable of undergoing considerable fatigue and privations in their wanderings, marching together considerable distances."12 Many observers reported their great dexterity and acute eyesight, which enabled them to see stars that the white man can see only with the telescope, and animals moving at a distance of a mile, which civilized man cannot see at all.

An early Australian settler named Philip Chancy reported several examples of the extraordinary "quickness of sight and suppleness and agility of limb and muscle" in the Aborigines, including an Aborigine who stood as a target for cricket-balls thrown with force by professional bowlers at only ten to fifteen yards and yet successfully dodged them or parried them off with a small shield for at least half an hour. Other natives threw cricket balls at great distances, and outdid "the best circus performers by bounding from a spring board in a somersault over eleven horses standing side by side."12

Nevertheless, the vast materia medica of the Aborigine indicates that he was not entirely free from aches and pains. Australian plants provided him with remedies for diarrhoea, coughs, colds, rheumatism, ear infections, toothache, upset stomach, headache, sore eyes, fevers, sores, rashes, hemorrhaging of childbirth, warts and ulcers – as well as for treatment of wounds, burns, insect bites and snake poison. Macfarlane studied Aborigines living in the desert almost entirely on native foods and found that every member of the tribe suffered from chronic conjunctivitis.7

The Aborigines also used herbs for contraception and sterilization, thus allowing them to space their children and prevent overpopulation.

The plight of the modern Aborigine who has abandoned his native diet is sad indeed. He is prone to weight gain, diabetes, TB, alcoholism and, of all things, petrol sniffing.

Many Aborigines recognize the need to return to native foods. Listen to the story of Daisy Kanari:

Long time ago when Aboriginal people lived on the good and healthy bush foods in the bush, they lived without any sickness: they lived a strong and healthy life. But now it is different. This is what we think: when we were children our parents looked after us and fed us on quandongs, witchety grubs, honey ants … rabbits and many more. These foods are good and it is what we grew up eating. We lived on these foods long ago and now we still do.

Then the Europeans came with their loads of food: of sugar, flour, milk, tea leaves and tins of meat. From then to now, people still live on European food. Today things are bad with petrol and alcohol. When our sons drink alcohol, they keep going and wander aimlessly. They do not come back to their mothers. Also with petrol: when children smell petrol over a long period of time, they die forever. Petrol and alcohol are bad things that have recently come into our country and lives.2

Some groups of Aborigines have returned to the bush – both in the desert regions and in reserves in coastal and mountainous areas. They may hunt with 22's and carry water in buckets, but they have relearned the foodways of their ancestors. Some of their products have potential commercial value – from bean cakes and fermented drinks as snack foods, to insect powders as a nutritious food additive for both people and livestock, to medicinal preparations. Enlightened government policy would educate the Australian population as to the value of these items, and create a market for them, thus allowing the Aborigines to support themselves with dignity of purpose in their traditional lifestyle.

References
Abrams, Leon, M.A. Personal communication
Anangu Way, Nganampa Health Council, Inc. Alice Springs, Australia, 1991
Crawford, I. M., Traditional Aboriginal Plant Resources in the Kalumburu Area: Aspects in Ethno-economics, Western Australian Museum, Perth, 1982
Isaacs, Jennifer, Bush Food, Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation and the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission, Canberra, 1992
Latz, P. K. Bushfires and Bushtucker: Aboriginal Plant Use in Central Australia, IAD Press, Alice Springs, NT, 1995
Leiper, Glen, Mutooroo Plant Use by Australian Aboriginal People, Eagleby South State School, Eagleby 4207, 1984
Macfarlane, W. V., "Aboriginal Desert Hunter/Gatherers in Transition," The Nutrition of Aborigines in Relation to the Ecosystem of Central Australia, CSIRO, Melbourne, 1978
Miller, Janette Brand, Tables of Composition of Australian Aboriginal Foods, Aboriginal Studies Press, Canberra ACT, 1993
Nayutah, Jolanda and Gail Finlay, Minjungbal: The Aborigines and Islanders of the Tweed Valley, North Coast Institute for Aboriginal Community Education, Lismore, NSW, 1988
Price, Weston A, DDS, Nutrition and Physical Degeneration, Keats Publishing, Inc., New Canaan, CT, 1939
Symons, Pat and Sim, Bush Heritage, Pat and Sim Symons, Queensland 4560, 1994
Arnold de Vries, Primitive Man and his Food, Chandler Book Co., 1952.




"If you stop seeing the world in terms of what you like and dislike, and saw things for what they truly are, in themselves, you would have a great deal more peace in your life..."

Offline Angela

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Re: Aboriginal Australians
« Reply #14 on: May 27, 2008, 12:49:33 AM »
A collection of images depicting their music, artwork and culture!

Australian Aboriginal Music: Song with Didgeridoo


A mixing of old and new musical styles:
Yothu Yindi, Festival of Aboriginal Rock Music, Darwin 1988


Sunset dreaming:
Yothu Yindi - Djäpana

Preparing for a Local music faire
Barunga
« Last Edit: May 27, 2008, 01:23:28 AM by Angela »
"If you stop seeing the world in terms of what you like and dislike, and saw things for what they truly are, in themselves, you would have a great deal more peace in your life..."

 

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